ESSAY PROMPT Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

PROMPT - Essay Example If we talk about Hamlet, we can’t but mention that suicide represents a continuous theme in the tragedy. During the play Hamlet considers suicide many times, his thinking about the life and its essence, about the troubles of real life and the fascination of unconsciousness is famous all over the world as remains unique. The given paper will discuss two famous soliloquies of Hamlet, in which he is talking about death and prove that Hamlet does not really want and was going to die. Hamlet is naive and passionate, not suicidal. Evidence: Soliloquy in Act I When we get acquainted with Hamlet, his first soliloquy in Act I reveals his nature. We see a passionate and vulnerable guy who is extremely astounded by his father’s death. He is almost a child and can’t help crying and wishing to die to be with his beloved father. It is very difficult to lose parents, especially when you are still young. Moreover, Hamlet has one more reason to be so upset: his beloved mother doe s not share his sorrow. Instead she is celebrating her wedding with Hamlet’s uncle Claudius. A young person, who still considers love to be a sacred thing is shocked with such an indifference. The pain is stronger because he knows what love is himself – and we remember about Hamlet’s feeling to Ophelia. Hamlet knows what love is, thus he is extremely astounded by the events as he considered his father’s marriage to be happy. ... The father is dead and the mother is married to another man, thus she does not share the son’s sorrow about the death of his father. These thoughts of suicide are not true, they are the results of the young guy’s despair. Hamlet’s soul is beautiful and he was sure that the souls of other people, especially his own mother’s soul was also pure and beautiful. But now he calls his mother: â€Å"an unweeded garden that grows to seed.† (1.2.139). He considered his mother to be sacred but suddenly became a witness of her fall. He is full of negative emotions, thus he thinks about death like many other people in such state. Hamlet is also religious. He perfectly understands that death is a sin, thus he should not even think about it. He feels bad but would never commit suicide at that moment as he believes in â€Å"Everlasting† (1.2.135). In the Act 1 Hamlet still believes that the God would save him and would not let him die. Here we see Hamlet as s till young, naive and sentimental creature who cries about the love between his parents, which he considered to be true, but now he has to change his mind because of the mother’s very fast marriage. Having high moral principles and believing in God, Hamlet suffers recollecting his mother’s â€Å"unrighteous tears† (1.2.159) caused by the father’s death, the tears, which he considered to be true. â€Å"To be or not to be† does not mean â€Å"to live or not to live†. Evidence: Soliloquy in Act III In the Act 3 we already see Hamlet from another side and this makes us understand that everything he said and was thinking about in Act 1 was just childish melancholy. Hamlet also understands this and this is what his most famous soliloquy is focused on. After his conversation with the ghost he suddenly

The Melon grower by Alice Oswald Essay Example for Free

The Melon grower by Alice Oswald Essay The Melon grower by Alice Oswald explains the slow decline in a couples marriage. The melon grower is the man, Oswald uses his care for the melons to demonstrate the mans disinterest in his wife and his lack of emotion towards her. As the poem leads on through the twelve stanzas it becomes increasingly sad and disfunctional however in parts showing a comical side. The frequent use of the pronouns he and she in the poem proves the disfuntion and seperation of the couple as their marriage falls apart. The 12, 3 line stanzas are biographical. The story has been told to the author from the prospective of the wife who is clearly unhappy in her marriage. We dont know fully how her husband is feeling about the disintigration of his marriage, only of his obssessive interest in his melons.We are given a brief insight into his emotions when he was in church and he sang O Lord how long shall the wicked.? and then, He prayed, with his thumbs on his eys. Were we given a glimpse of his own dispair? In the first few opening stanzas there is a sense of seperation through the pronouns he and she there is no they showing that they no longer spend time together. The wife seeks the husbands attention as he spends the majority of his time out of the house with his plants She threw a slipper at him this domestic item contrasts with the plants and highlights the difference between their seperate lives, it is almost as if she is physically throwing the house at him in despiration. The poem doesnt just describe the end of the friendship and communication of the couple but also the end of their sexual realtionship If I can sex he said the flowers, very gently ill touch their parts with a pollen brush made with rabbit hairs. this qoutefrom stanza 5 highlights the abscence of sex within their relationship, he is more intimate with the melons. Stanza eight shows us the passing of time, the relationship still limping on, with him remaining ever neglectful of his wifes even his daughters, feelings, burying his head and hiding in his green house. He cares for his melons with the utmost care and gentleness which is at odds with the decay  of his home and his l I feel that Oswalds sympathy lies with the wife. I feel as a reader, sympathy for both charaters. The misunderstanding, the lack of communication, her anger, his apparent apathy toward the problem, all leading to the slow crumbling of their relationship. Within the last two stanzas Oswald creates a contrast between the two, first of all she paints an image of softness with the nets and fruits big at ease but then writes the last stanza about the wifes final despair with the melony aroma suffocating the whole place becoming sinister.

A Moment that Lasts Forever Essay Example for Free

A Moment that Lasts Forever Essay I turn around to see the audience cheering their lungs out for me. Even though I’ve been through so many competitions before, none of the competitions could even compare to the contrasting feelings I was having at the moment. Although at the time, I still did not know who won in the finals of one of the biggest competitions in California, nor did I know what the judges thought of me, I knew that I had successfully completed a memory that would have a big impact on my life. I knew that I had worked hard and tried my best, and even if I ended up not even winning a place, I would have earned something from this extreme event. My teacher had been trying to decide what piece to give me for my next competition: MTAC, the Music Teacher’s Association of California. What does that mean? It means that I will be competing in one of the biggest, and hardest competition in California again. It would be the 3rd time in this competition for me, after failing the first time, and barely achieving ‘Honorable Mention’ the second time. I knew that this was my chance, my chance to finally show all the critics, all the people that believed I was just a talentless girl with extremely well-known teachers, that I actually was able to play the piano. â€Å"Oh! How about this piece?† my mentor suggested.   I looked up to see my teacher, a young boy stuck in a old man’s body, look at me, so happy and excited about something that he was almost bouncing off the floor. I see him holding a green book, and I see as he opens the book to the 5th page, the words â€Å"Abegg Variations† by Schumann. I nearly fainted right there and then. â€Å"How did this teacher expect me to play this super hard piece that even Lang Lang made mistakes in when he played, when I couldn’t even play my Mendelssohn well?† I thought to myself, â€Å"but I probably can’t do anything about it, especially not with my mom looking like a dog that just managed to get its owner to give it a thousand bones, also.† The first big obstacle came quick enough. My mom announced that I was going to play at her student’s recital, only a few months after I first got the piece. I nearly fainted after all the screaming, crying, yelling I did. â€Å"It would be a good experience and excellent practice for your competition† she said. â€Å"But I’m not ready!† I replied back trying to use imploring eyes to achieve a change of mind. â€Å"You are playing, and that’s final!† she answered. Read more:  My Proudest Moment Essay I knew there was absolutely no point in arguing anymore, and that all I could do was practice. Turns out, I was completely right about one fact: I was not ready for this recital at all. I messed up, and I didn’t mess up small, I messed up humongous, huge, extreme, terrifyingly big. As I disembarked from the stage, I could just see how much practicing I would have to do to prepare for my second obstacle: my piano teacher’s recital. Apparently, all the practicing I did before this next recital was not enough, because I managed to embarrass myself at my piano teacher’s recital also. My fate was inevitable, and I knew by then that I was going to be practicing like crazy now, if I didn’t before. I also knew how furious my mom was going to be at me. My prediction was completely correct, as I was told to practice so much that my fingers were about to fall off. To be exact, I practiced sixty times for each variation, and Abegg Variations has multiple variations. T hough it took more than 4 hours every day, I stayed persistent, and slowly and steadily I improved. As I was about to go into a room for the first round of the competition, all I could think was†¦ â€Å"What if I mess up, what if I mess up†¦ I’m going to mess up, I’m going to mess up, I’M GOING TO MESS UP!!! GAHH~~!!!† The door holder called out, â€Å"Anna Yang†, and it was my turn. I went in, and was surprised to find three judges, different from the previous year. My face literally turned as bright as the sun when I did not see the judge that absolutely detests my teacher, *a*c* *e*s*n (for privacy reasons, I will exclude her name from this essay). I turned as hyper as a kid could become, and I was about to scream from happiness right then. Every single time I am in a competition, and she’s a judge, she always marks me down. Luckily, she was not here this time, and instead, sitting in her place, was a nice, friendly looking old lady, a not very skinny lady who’s facial expressions seemed a bit like the evil stepmother from Cinderella, and a Jasmine look-a-like lady who’s only difference from Jasmine was that she looked like she was about to poison me with a poisonous apple. As I bowed to them, I became more relaxed at the smile of the nice, friendly looking old lady. Although I was still frightened at the prospect of messing up, I was shaking a considerably less amount than I was before. I made a mistake, but I was lucky. Right when I made the mistake, the nice, friendly looking judge dropped her cushion from her chair, and everyone rushed to help her pick it up. My mistake had gone by unnoticed by the crowd. By that time, I was so ecstatic that my smile was about to reach the sky. The results of the first round came out soon enough. As I went on the MTAC website on my phone, I could hear both my mom’s heartbeat, and also my heartbeat beating as fast as a hare would beat while being chased by a extremely furious tiger. The page finally finished loading, and I scrolled down to see: Grand Prize: Anna Yang. I celebrated for about 2 minutes thinking about how all that practice had actually been beneficial, and then I realized what that meant†¦ I was going to have to compete one more time, this time against the winner of the Southern California group. I scrolled down to see who exactly I had to compete against during the final, and I went ballistic when I saw. Sherry Tang was the winner of Southern California. I was going to play against THE Sherry Tang, the girl who was on From the Top and won against college kids. The girl who won a national competition. By that time, I was already dead cast against the fact that I would never win, but my mom calmed me down with her comforting words, telling me that I should not give up, even if there is almost no chance of winning. I did not give up. I continued playing and practicing every day, and I ended up not regretting it. A few months later, a judge called out Sherry’s name before they called my name. As I heard the words â€Å"1st place, Anna Yang†, I walked towards the auditorium stage. As I walked on stage, I did not cry. I could only smile. Who wouldn’t? Why would you be unhappy about the fact that you had just won one of the biggest competitions in California? Though I do not practice as much anymore, I still always have a certain self-confidence while playing piano. I also learned that as long as I put in effort and I have fun, the audience and judges will also have fun, and they will feel the effort I have put in.

Implementation Of Harm Reduction Strategies Criminology Essay

Implementation Of Harm Reduction Strategies Criminology Essay The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) identifies five categories for illicit drugs: narcotics, stimulants, depressants (sedatives), hallucinogens, and cannabis. These categories include many drugs legally produced and prescribed by doctors as well as those illegally produced and sold outside of medical channels (CIA World Fact Book, 2012). In the United Kingdom, the term illicit drugs is used to describe those drugs that are controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. Globally, the illicit drugs trade (also referred to as the illegal drugs trade or drug trafficking) is one of the largest businesses and some 210 million people use illicit drugs each year, and almost 200,000 deaths can be attributed as a direct result of these drugs (UNODC, 2011). Illicit drugs are a substantial threat to the public good, not only because they adversely affect public health, but also because they can generate crime, disorder, family breakdown, and community decay (Strang et al., 2012). } Proportion of 16 to 59 year olds reporting use of any drug by age group and sex in the last year, 2010/11 BCS CHAPTER 2 EPIDEMIOLOGY AND REIVEW OF THE LITERATURE 2.1 Epidemiology of illicit drug use Drug misuse is a global social problem and, along with poverty and infectious disease, is one of the most challenging issues for personal and community health in many parts of the world (Donmall, 2001).The task of drug abuse epidemiology is to better understand patterns and trends in drug use, such as the characteristics of persons abusing drugs and how this may change over time. Drug abuse epidemiology is one of the more challenging areas of epidemiology. One of the basic reasons for this is the nature of substance use and the circumstances around it- the illegal nature of most drug abuse means that it remains hidden from view to some extent, and thus difficult to quantify (Donmall, 2001, WHO, 2000). Since the 1980s there have been major changes in trends and patterns of drug use including: global increases in the production and use of drugs; new forms of old drugs (eg. smokeable crack cocaine); changes in way drugs are taken (eg. transitions from opium smoking to heroin injection); and the introduction and proliferation of new drugs (eg. MDMA ecstasy and other amphetamine-type stimulants)(WHO, 2000). Drug use behaviours range from occasional, sporadic or experimental use, through regular low risk recreational use, to high risk, daily dependence that is often associated with a variety of financial, health and social problems (Donmall, 2001). However not all drug use is equally harmful, just as not all drugs have the same negative effects. This creates another challenge for drug abuse epidemiology- not all behaviours or substances pose the same risk. However, it has been recognised that drug injection is of specific importance as it has become a major transmission route for HIV (WHO, 2000). 2.2 Illicit drugs In the United Kingdom, the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, with amendments, is the main law regulating drug control UK. It divides controlled substances into 3 Classes (A, B, C) based on harm, with Class A being the most harmful. An overview of the main drugs are found in table 1, along with their classification. Table 1: Drug classification Source: Home Office 2011 The detailed information on the different drugs found below is derived from the following sources: World Health Organisations Guide to Drug Abuse Epidemiology (2000), DrugScope (2012) and the Talk to Frank Home Office initiative (2012) to provide accurate and reliable information on drugs for young people (WHO, 2000, DrugScope, 2012, FRANK, 2012). Cocaine Cocaine and its derivative crack cocaine provide an example of both the globalization of substance use and the cyclical nature of drug epidemics. Traditionally coca leaves have been chewed by people in the Andean countries of South America for thousands of years. The main alkaloid of the coca leave, cocaine, was isolated relatively recently in about 1860. Cocaine was then used in patent medicines, beverages and tonics in developed countries in Europe, North America and in Australia until the early 1900s. Laws restricting the availability of cocaine saw a decrease in consumption in these countries until the 1960s. From that time cocaine use became popular among certain groups of young people in some developed countries and in the producer countries of South America. Cocaine became widely available in North America in the 1970s and Europe in the 1980s (WHO, 2000). Ecstasy Ecstasy is an illegally manufactured drug that usually comes in tablet or capsule form. The chemical name of pure ecstasy is 3,4 methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) (DrugScope, 2012). Ecstasy is a stimulant drug which also has mild hallucinogenic effects. It has been described as being like a mix of amphetamine and a weak form of LSD. The effects of taking a moderate dose start after 20-60 minutes (longer if on a full stomach) and can last for up to several hours. Ecstasy was first made by two German chemists in 1912 and patented in 1914, in case it turned out to be a useful drug. It didnt. During the 1950s, the American military experimented with a whole range of drugs, including ecstasy, for use in chemical warfare, to extract information from prisoners and to immobilise armies. In the 1960s, the drug was rediscovered by an American research chemist Alexander Shulgin who experimented with it on himself (DrugScope, 2012). LSD Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) is an hallucinogenic drug that is derived originally from ergot, a fungus found growing wild on rye and other grasses. It is a white powder, but as a street drug, it is a liquid either on its own or absorbed into paper sheets. The sheets are cut into tiny squares like postage stamps or transfers and often have pictures or designs on. LSD is also sometimes dropped on to sugar cubes or formed into tablets or small capsules (DrugScope, 2012). Magic Mushrooms Psilocin-based magic mushrooms (PBMMs) in prepared forms (e.g. dried or extracted) have been illegal in the UK since the 1971 Misuse of Drugs Act. But fresh or unprepared PBMMs were legal to possess and traffic until the 2005 Drugs Act, UK (Riley, 2010). Meth Methamphetamine (crystal meth) is a central nervous system stimulant with a high potential for misuse and dependence. A synthetic drug, it is closely related chemically to amphetamine (speed) but produces greater effects on the central nervous system. Cannabis Cannabis is a Class B drug derived from the cannabis plant, a bushy plant found wild in most parts of the world and easily cultivated in Britain. There are three varieties of the plant, Cannabis sativa, indica and ruderalis. In Western countries it is generally used as a relaxant and mild intoxicant. In the UK, cannabis is generally smoked with tobacco in a joint or spliff, but can also be smoked in a pipe, brewed into a drink or cooked into food (DrugScope, 2012). Poppers Poppers are usually found in the form of a liquid chemical (a nitrite) sold in a small bottle. Commonly, the chemical is alkyl nitrite. Other nitrites like amyl nitrite (and butyl nitrite and isobutyl nitrite) have also used been used. Nitrites dilate the blood vessels and allow more blood to get to the heart ((FRANK, 2012). Heroin Heroin use has become increasingly common in North-America and Europe since the 1960s. Increases in heroin use are often cyclical in these countries. In the United Kingdom, for example, there was a well reported heroin epidemic in the mid-1980s, following a period in the 1970s when the heroin using population was generally stable and ageing (Power, 1994). The UK epidemic in the 1980s was in part the result of the availability of cheap, high purity heroin from South-west Asia notably Pakistan. This form of heroin could be smoked and became attractive to young non-injecting users (Pearson, 1987).(WHO, 2000) Since heroin is commonly used by injecting, the health risks including that of HIV and hepatitis transmission are substantial. A number of drugs used commonly for their therapeutic efficacy in health care are also being abused all over the world. These include barbiturates, benzodiazepines, other sedatives and some stimulant drugs .The epidemiology of this use is difficult to study, because of difficulties in distinguishing medical and non-medical use (WHO, 2000). 2.3 Data on Drug users United Kingdom In the United Kingdom, primary sources of information about prevalence of illegal drugs among the adult population are derived from representative household surveys. In England and Wales, the British Crime Survey (BCS) has been a continuous survey since 2002 (EMCDDA, 2012). The BCS collects a rich set of information on the personal, household, area characteristics and lifestyle factors of respondents that can be used to explore differences in drug use. This information, together with other information from representative surveys feeds into the latest report on the statistics of drug misuse in England and Wales (NHS Information Centre, 2011). The following data is extracted from the 2011 report Statistics on Drug Misuse: England published by the NHS Information Centre and the 2011 Home Office report on Drug misuse in England and Wales (Home Office, 2011, NHS Information Centre, 2011). According to this report, the prevalence of ever having taken illicit drugs in England and Wales has increased from 30.5% in 1996 to 36.3% in 2010/11. As can be seen in figure 1 in 2010/2011, 12 per cent of men, versus 5.7 per cent of women reported using any type of drug in the last year. There is a clear downward trend in any drug use in the past year as age increases for all adults. Specifically for Class A drugs, there is a slight increase in use for the 20-24 age group, after which use decreases with age as well. Figure 1: Proportion of adults reporting use of the most prevalent drugs in the last year, by age, 2010/11 BCSBCR home office drugs.PNG Source: Home Office 2011 A total of 8.8 per cent of adults had used one or more illicit drug within the last year (figure 1), compared with 8.6 per cent in 2009/10, which indicates a slight increase in any drug use for adults in the past year. However, as can be seen in figure 2, there has been a general downward trend in the use of any drug in the past decade, whereas there has been little change in the percentage of any Class A drugs used by adults in this same time period. Figure 2: Proportion of 16 to 59 year olds reporting use of any illicit drug or any Class A drug in the last year, 1996 to 2010/11 BCS Source: Home Office 2011 drugs 2.PNG The prevalence of young adults (16-24 years) ever having taken drugs has decreased from 48.6 per cent in 1996 to 40.1 per cent in 2010/11. Findings from the 2009/10 BCS suggest that falls in illicit drug use have occurred in the youngest age groups (16-29 year olds), where use is highest. For example, around one in three (31.6%) of 16-19 year olds used an illicit drug in the last year in 1996 compared with around one in five (22.3%) in 2009/10. Figure 3: Proportion of adults reporting use of the most prevalent drugs in the last year, by age, 2010/11 BCS As can be seen in figure 3, in 2010/11 cannabis is the type of drug most likely to be used by adults (6.8%) followed by powder cocaine (2.1%), which is consistent with findings from previous years. Similarly, for young adults (16-24 years) cannabis is the most prevalent drug followed by powder cocaine and ecstasy. The 2010/11 BCS reported that single adults had higher levels of any (18.1%) or Class A (6.5%) drug use in comparison with all other marital groups (for example, 2.7% and 0.6% were the equivalent figures for married adults). In addition, adults from a White ethnic group had higher levels of any (9.4%) or Class A (3.2%) drug use than those from a non-White background (that is, ethnic groups other than White; 5.1%, any drug use; 1.0% Class A). Adults living in a household in the lowest income group ( £10,000 or less) had the highest levels of any drug use (12.9%) compared with all other income groups (e.g. 7.7% of adults living in a household with an income of  £50,000). In addition, a clear urban-rural disparity exists, with 9.3 per cent of adults in urban areas had taken any illicit drug in the last year compared with 7.0 per cent of those in rural areas. This was the case for both Class A drug use as well as any other drug use among adults (Home Office, 2011). Similar to the data collected by the British Crime Survey , the NHS also collects data on smoking, drinking and drug use among secondary school pupils aged 11 to 15(NHS, 2011). Overall, this report shows that drug use has declined since 2001. In 2010, 18 per cent of pupils said they had ever dused drugs, 12 per cent had taken any drugs in the last year and 7 per cent had taken drugs in the last month (compared to 29 %, 20 % and 12% respectively in 2001). This decreasing trend can be seen in figure 4. Girls were less likely than boys to have taken drugs in the last year (odds ratio= 0.74), the odds of having taken drugs in the last year also increased with age (odds ratio=1.13 for each additional year) (NHS, 2011). In terms of ethnicity, pupils of Asian ethnicity were more likely to have taken drugs in the last year than white pupils (odds ratio= 1.13). As is not unexpected, both smoking and drinking alcohol were associated with drug use in the last year. When looking at the type of drugs used, cannabis is the most prevalent- 8.2 per cent of pupils reported taking it in the last year. This compares with 8.9 per cent in 2009 and continues the decline seen since 2001. As can be seen in figure 5, 3.8 per cent of pupils reported sniffing collative substances such as glue, gas, aerosols etc, which shows a decrease from 5.5 per cent in 2009. Sniffing poppers has fallen from a high in 2007 to 1.5 per cent in 2010 (NHS, 2011). Figure 4 Source: NHS 2011 Figure 5 Source: NHS 2011 A team of researchers recently found higher than expected rates of HIV and hepatitis C infection in a study in London. They suggested that this was due to high risk injecting practices, associated with newer injectors and the injection of crack (Judd et al. 2005).4 They found higher rates of hepatitis C in their sample than in many other cities internationally (Hope et al. 2001). 2.4 Country comparison Compared to Scotland, data from 2010/11 show that illicit drug use ever among 16-59 year olds was lower in Scotland (33.5%) than in England and Wales (36.4%). Whereas the percentage taking any illicit drug in Scotland in the last year (9.8%) or last month (5.8%) was higher than across England and Wales (8.6% in the last year and 5.0% in the last month.) Another barrier to the accuracy of survey estimates is that household and school surveys are likely to miss those people who are amongst the heaviest users of illicit drugs: the homeless, prisoners and school truants. Dependent users of cocaine and heroin may also be of unstable residence, and less likely to be found in their residence at a given time (reuter). 2.3 What is harm reduction Three separate facets of physical harm can be identifi ed. First, acute physical harm-ie, the immediate eff ects (eg, respiratory depression with opioids, acute cardiac crises with cocaine, and fatal poisonings). Second, chronic physical harm-ie, the health consequences of repeated use (eg, psychosis with stimulants, possible lung disease with cannabis). Finally, there are specifi c problems associated with intravenous drug use.(Nutt et al., 2007) Harm reduction refers to policies and programmes that aim to reduce the harms associated with the use of drugs (Power, 1994). One widely-cited conception of harm reduction distinguishes harm at different levels individual, community and societal and of different types health, social and economic (Donmall, 2001). These distinctions give a good indication of the breadth of focus and concern within harm reduction. As such, harm reduction should not be considered as a service type, or something delivered within a single tier, but should be subject to a whole system approach to reduce or eliminate the harms associated with drug use (NHS, 2009/10). Health related harm resulting from the use and abuse of drugs vary. This is dependent on the type of substance being used, its frequency, its dosage and circumstances of use (Department of Health and National Treatment Agency, 2011b, Department of Health and National Treatment Agency, 2011a). There is a wide-ranging group of health related harms associated with high levels of illicit drug use and misuse. These include, but are not limited to drug dependence (psychological and physical); withdrawal syndromes; tolerance; substance related deaths which can result from poisoning/overdose, violent attacks, and suicides; as well as the development of other medical illnesses such as HIV/AIDS or hepatitis (AGENCY, 2007, Equal Partners: Health and Human Rights, 2007). At the community level, drug use can cause nuisance as a result of people discarding drug related litter such as used needles and syringes (Power, 1994). High levels of drug use and drug dealing can contribute more generally to problems in neighbourhoods and communities with little cultural capital and high levels of poverty, and considerable affects crime levels (Power, 1994).The economic burden of health harms related to drug use and misuse is alarming with the National Health Service (NHS) spending close to  £500 million annually on drug misuse associated harms and drug related crime costing the country an estimated  £13.32 billion (Department of Health and National Treatment Agency, 2007). Recent trends among drug users, particularly injecting drug users (IDU), suggest that drug-related harms have increased in recent years. The Health Protection Agency (HPA) report, Shooting Up: Infections among injecting drug users in the United Kingdom 2006, an update: October 2007 (Pearson, 1987) describes the high levels (48%) of sharing injecting equipment amongst current injecting drug users, with mixing containers such as spoons being the most commonly shared items (NHS, 2011). 2.4 What is health related harm Some of the main concerns about health related harm and drug use related to blood borne viruses, such as hepatitis and HIV. Hepatitis C is the most significant infection affecting injecting drug users (IDUs) with 41% of IDUs having been infected. There is marked regional variation with a prevalence of 22% in the North East to a prevalence of 57% and 60% in London and the North West regions respectively. Alcohol use and misuse is the single biggest contributory factor to those with hepatitis C infection developing fatal liver disease (NHS, 2011, Pearson, 1987). In the UK, hepatitis B is usually acquired in adulthood, with sexual activity or injecting drug use being the most commonly reported routes of infection. Infection with the hepatitis B virus typically causes an acute infection, with a small number of those infected going on to develop chronic disease. Infection with hepatitis B is preventable using a safe and effective vaccine, but continues to cause serious ill health in IDUs and their communities. In 2005, the percentage of IDUs with evidence of past or current hepatitis B infection was 19% (613 of 3,175), which is similar to rates since 1995. There is substantial variation between regions, with North West having the highest rates of 31% (221 of 777), and the lowest in the Yorkshire and the Humber region at 5.5% (14 of 253) (NHS, 2011, Pearson, 1987). HIV infection among drug users remains relatively uncommon in the United Kingdom but there is some evidence of both increasing prevalence and transmission. The prevalence of HIV infection in current IDUs in England and Wales in 2005 was 2.1%, the highest prevalence ever seen. In London the prevalence in current IDUs was 4.3%, which is similar to recent years, but elsewhere in England and Wales the prevalence in current injectors was 1.6% which is more than double the prevalence in 2004 (Pearson, 1987, NHS, 2011). In addition to the infectious diseases mentioned above, site infections are also considered health related harm. There are continuing problems with infections associated with injecting including tetanus and wound botulism. These can result from poor skin hygiene, environmental conditions, and/or poor injecting practice (NHS, 2011, Pearson, 1987). 2.5 Role of community pharmacy and needle exchange Open access drug services, such as needle exchange, can provide a crucial interface with drug users who are not currently engaged in structured drug treatment and who are often, by definition, at greater risk of drug-related harm (NHS, 2009/10). For this reason, this aspect of drug-related harm reduction is highlighted here. In recent years, there has been an increased awareness of the rising levels of hepatitis (B and C), thus increasing the recognition of the need for better distribution of clean injecting equipment (Matheson et al., 2007). The model of delivery for needle exchange (specialist centre based, detached, outreach or pharmacy-based) will vary according to locally defined need (NHS, 2009/10). Community pharmacists play an important role in the UK in the provision of harm reduction services and in the treatment of drug misusers. They distribute clean needles through exchange or sale and dispense substitute drugs (primarily methadone) for maintenance and detoxification, often supervising the self-administration in the pharmacy to ensure it is taken by the intended person (Matheson et al., 2007). Participation in needle exchange at pharmacy level in Scotland has increased overall but more so in some NHS areas than others. It is still relatively low having only increased from 9.7 to 12.5% compared with England where 19% of pharmacies provide this service (Matheson et al., 2007, Sheridan J, 1996) As discussed above, needle exchange and open access services offer an opportunity not only to provide access to safer injecting materials but also to engage with service users who are not in contact with more structured services. They provide health promotion advice, information and materials, brief interventions, healthcare checks, and referral on to other specialist services (NHS, 2009/10). Increasing the number of pharmacy schemes is likely to offer the best opportunity for the rapid expansion of distribution sites, especially for out of hours cover, supported by robust local co-ordination and monitoring of needle and syringe exchange programmes (NHS, 2009/10). Closely connected to such needle exchange programmes are community-based outreach programmes, with which they are sometimes linked. Without necessarily distributing needles and syringes, these aim to obtain face-to-face contact with IDUs, provide literature about HIV risk reduction, distribute condoms and bleach for disinfection of needles and syringes (especially where needle exchange programmes are not operating), promote teaching and modelling of HIV risk reduction by network leaders, referral to services, improve access to risk assessment and HIV testing, provide counselling and support community organising (Hunt, 2010). It has been shown that such community-based responses can be an effective component of the overall drug response (Hunt, 2010). 2.6 Methadone and other replacement therapies Methadone maintenance treatment is the most researched treatment currently available for people who are dependent on opioids. Its use is supported by an evidence-base developed over almost 40 years and from across many different countries. It retains patients in treatment for longer than any alternative, non-replacement therapy, and has a superior effect on the reduction of heroin use and crime associated with opioid dependence (Power, 1994). 2.7 Historical perspective and the policy development The first controls of drug possession were introduced in the First World War, and in the Dangerous Drugs Act of 1920 (Stimson, 2010). At this time, prescribing heroin and morphine was considered legitimate medical treatment for people who would otherwise be unable to withdraw- a very similar concept to the harm reduction strategy known today- and thus helping the patient lead a useful and fairly normal life. The harm reduction approach to drug use first developed among Dutch heroin users in the 1970s. The original Junkiebond (users union) of Rotterdam spread fast into a national federation which successfully negotiated substantial decriminalization, the prescription of methadone, and the provision of clean needles and syringes. The new approach rapidly spread through Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the UK, France, and other northern European countries (Des Jarlais, 1993, Van Solinge, 1999, Gowan et al., 2012). CHAPTER 4 POLICY ANALYSIS 4.1 Drug Policy Despite the long-standing political prominence of the problem, relatively coherent strategies and substantial investments, the United Kingdom has the highest level of dependent drug use and among the highest levels of recreational drug use in Europe (Reuter, 2007). There are vast arrays of different policies and programmes working towards solving problems related to drug use and drug related harm at all levels, and they vary considerably in their effectiveness. In this chapter, policies in the United Kingdom in general and England in particular will be considered. The United Kingdom consists of England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, within which England accounts for 85% of the UK population (Office for National Statistics, 2012). A number of powers have been devolved from the UK Parliament to Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, but each has different levels of devolved responsibilities. The United Kingdom Government is responsible for setting the overall strategy and for its delivery in the devolved administrations only in matters where it has reserved power (Department of Health, 2011). In the United Kingdom, illicit drug policy and attitude towards harm reduction strategies has shifted with government changes. Between 1987 and 1997, there was a public health approach. The aim was to help problem drug users to lead healthier lives, and to limit the damage they might cause to themselves or others (Stimson, 2000). Harm reduction developed in a context of a healthy policy although there were hitches in getting it accepted, for the most part it was well integrated into an amenable existing framework (Stimson, 2000). In 2002 the Liberal Democrats launched new drug policy in which it was proposed that imprisonment should no longer be a punishment option and cannabis should be legalised. The Lib Dem policies were evidence-based, rejecting artificial distinctions between the harm caused by legal and illegal drugs, and rejecting enforcement and prison as primary policy tools based on evidence of ineffectiveness. Unsuccessful in promoting their policies in 2002, in 2011, experts backed calls to be made at the Liberal Democrats conference for the decriminalisation of all drugs, saying it would not lead to a surge in drug use (Travis, 2011). This call came not long after the launch of a new drug strategy, launched in December 2010, replacing that of the previous Government. The 2010 strategy sets out a fundamentally different approach to preventing drug use in communities, and in supporting recovery from drug and alcohol dependence. Some of the main aspects include the responsibility it puts on the indi vidual to seek help and overcome dependency as well as providing a more holistic approach, by addressing other issues in addition to treatment to support people dependent on drugs or alcohol, such as offending, employment and housing. The 2010 strategy aims to reduce demand and takes an uncompromising approach to crack down on those involved in the drug supply both at home and abroad. With the devolution of power, it puts accountability in the hands of local communities to tackle drugs and the harms they cause. The coverage of the new strategy is as follows: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ health, education, housing and social care confined to England à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ policing and the criminal justice system England and Wales à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ the work of the Department for Work and Pensions England, Wales and Scotland (Home Office, 2012) The Scottish Government and Welsh Governments national drug strategies were published in 2008 and all three strategies aim to make further progress on reducing harm and each focuses on recovery (Department of Health, 2011). The changes in the Governments drug policies have not gone without remark. In response to the change in Government strategy, the recently published document Charting New Waters from the UK Drug Policy Commission examined potential threats to drug services. The radical shift from centralised oversight toward local control of commissioning services, raised concerns and questions about whether the changes will deliver the outcomes that people need or help control public expenditure. The report concludes that the new policy is a major social experiment, the outcomes of which are uncertain (OHara, 2012). Research by the UK Drug Policy commission has shown that in addition to the reforms to police, justice, health and local council services in England, these systemic changes together with the budget cuts risk reducing the ability of local areas to respond effectively to problems caused by illicit drug use (Beck 2012). 4.2 UK policy approach As is the case in most European countries, drug-related deaths, infectious diseases, co-morbidity and other health consequences are key policy issues within the United Kingdoms drug strategies (EMCDDA, 2012). Interventions include information campaigns on the risks associated with drug use for different target groups, as well as information on safer injecting and safer sex practices, needle exchange schemes, infection counselling, support and testing, and vaccinations against hepatitis B. In most parts of the United Kingdom, particularly in England, there is a four-tier system of treatment for drug abuse. Tier 1 refers to generic interventions such as information and advice, screening and referral to more specialist services. Tier 2 refers to open-access interventions, such as drop-in services providing advice, information and some harm reduction services such as syringe exchange. Tier 3 services are specialist community services and include prescribing services, structured day programmes and structured psychosocial interventions, such as counselling and therapy and community-based detoxification. Tier 4 services are inpatient services, including detoxification and residential rehabilitation. The majority of structured treatment is delivered at Tier 3, predominantly through community-based specialist drug treatment services (EMCDDA, 2012). 4.3 Drugs and the law The Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, with amendments, is the main law regulating drug control in the UK. Drug use per se is not an offence under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971: it is the possession of the drug which constitutes an offence (EMCDDA, 2012). The Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 divides controlled substances into 3 Classes (A, B, C) based on harm, with Class A being the most harmful. The classification of a drug has several consequences, specifically in determining the legal penalties for importation, supply, and possession, as well as the degree of police effort targeted at restricting its use (Nutt et al., 2007). The actual classifi

Movie Essays - Gustave Flauberts Madame Bovary on Film -- Movie Film

Gustave Flaubert's Madame Bovary on Film      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The figure of Emma Bovary, the central character of Gustave Flaubert's novel, Madame Bovary, caused both cheers of approval and howls of outrage upon its publication, and continues to fascinate modern literary critics and film makers. Is she a romantic idealist, striving for perfect love and beauty in dull bourgeois society? Is she a willful and selfish woman whose pursuit of the good life brings about her own destruction and that of her family? Or is she, like Ibsen's Hedda Gabler and Nora Helmer, a rebel against the repressive, patriarchal society in which she finds herself? Is she, perhaps, a bit of all three?    Two prominent modern film directors have brought Emma Bovary's story to the screen--Vincente Minnelli in 1949 and, more recently, Claude Chabrol in 1992. This paper will study these two versions of Flaubert's novel and how each director employs and manipulates the medium of film to bring a work of fiction to the screen.    The films of Minnelli and Chabrol represent two radically different approaches to Flaubert's novel. In general, Minnelli tends to romanticize the story, even sentimentalize it, making Emma much more of a sympathetic heroine than seems to be the case in Flaubert's text. Much of the ironic tone of the novel is lost. Minnelli also omits from his film all scenes which are not directly connected with Emma. The harsh realism and ironic social commentary which underlie Flaubert's novel are ignored for the most part. Chabrol, on the other hand, attempts to be scrupulously faithful to the text and spirit of the novel. The director claims that virtually every word of dialogue in the film was taken directly from Flaubert... ...ot literature" (Kael 407). This remark might aptly be applied to Chabrol's adaptation of Madame Bovary. She also remarks about Chabrol's work in general that "there is a remarkable consistency of tone; everything seems on the same level of interest to Chabrol....nothing is very exciting, just as nothing is boring" (407). To Kael, Chabrol is "a sublime craftsman, the ideal conventional movie maker" (54).    But, in the final analysis, Chabrol is closer to Flaubert's artistic techniques. He lets the story speak for itself, and the viewers must form their own judgments about the story of Madame Bovary.    Works Cited Harvey, Stephen. Directed by Vincente Minnelli. New York: Harper and Row, 1989. Kael, Pauline. Deeper Into Movies. New York: Little Brown, 1973. Russell, Alan, trans. Madame Bovary. New York: Penguin Books, 1950.   

Democracy Essay example -- American Government, Politics, California

Democracy has many important values that we see practiced in democratic nations such as the United States, representation is one if not the most important democratic value. In many nations, voting, a granted right of citizenship has been given additional importance by making it a mandatory civil activity in industrialized nations. Voting is the first step of the process of representation since this activity allows us to elect officials who supposedly represent the interest of their constituents. According to Lustig, California currently suffers a representation crisis; his assumptions are quite accurate for we see that not all eligible voters participate. However, Lustig presents the idea that the representation crisis is beyond voting behavior; changes in political norm and practices have contributed to the crisis. Such issues have weakened the vote for everyone and created an inverted relationship where the representatives pick the electorate rather than the other way around. In t he state of Californian representation, we must acknowledge that the current system of representation is an unsustainable model that does not meet the needs of Californians. Alteration of different norms and practices in the representative process has contributed to the lessening of proper representation in Californian politics; thus, resulting in the representation crisis. In order to understand the severity of the dilemma, we must assess the state of political representation in California. Then we must analyze what does not work in the current system. Furthermore, we must assess the core problem of improper representation through the problems of voting. Alongside voting, redistricting is a crucial topic that must be assessed. In addition, we must see... ...tive of Californians, the legislature is the â€Å"most representative† of Californians. When the topic of representation come up, the legislature is the focus for they represent the people of California as well as enact policies that will affect the lives of Californians. With a growing population, we see that the current electoral system no longer is a viable representative model for California. However, before switching into a new system, we must tackle the lack of political participation through accommodation of the different communities; we must ensure that immigrants feel assimilated to society so that they are engaged to participate in civic duties such as voting. Lastly, when and if we alter our system, the most viable option would be a proportional representative system where Californians are accurately represented without the hindrance of partisanship.

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Abstract This paper focuses on the history and science of hypnosis. The introduction discusses the origins of hypnosis that date back to pre-historic times and the first people to employ hypnotic-like methods to alter or change human behavior using the power of suggestion. A background and study of Franz Anton Mesmer, the man who most people associate with the beginning of hypnosis, is elaborated on throughout this paper. I will also discuss what hypnosis is, how it is used to explain human experiences, and how research does or does not support the theory of hypnosis. I will also give examples of how hypnosis is applied, why it’s used, and how it has been viewed in the past and present times. The History and Science of Hypnosis Introduction a brief history of the concept of hypnosis The science of hypnosis, remote from being a practice of modern times, is one that has been studied and pondered over since pre-historic times. The employment of hypnotic-like methods to alter human behavio r using the power of suggestion and repetitious incentives to rouse the mind or the spirits were used by numerous ancient civilizations (Baker, 1990, p. 51). These methods were usually associated with a confidence in magic and the occult, and the belief that these procedures were beyond human understanding. According to Baker (1990), priest-physicians of ancient Egypt induced sleep-like states in other people. This practice was also prominent in the sleep temples of classical Greece. In this case, worshippers attempted to conjure Hypnos, the god of sleep, who it was believed brought them prophetic dreams. Another example of the use of hypnotic-like methods dates back to 2600 BC in China, where Wang Tai, the father of Chinese Medicine, wrote of a â€Å"medical procedure that involved using incantations and mysterious passes of the hands over the patient that leaves no doubt about its hypnotic nature (Baker, 1990, p. 51). According to Baker (1990), the use of hypnotic-like techniques and procedures were mentioned in the Hindu Vera, written about 1500 BC, and the Ebers papyrus, which is known to be over 3,000 years old, narrates an expressive method extremely similar to the techniques modern hypnotherapists practice today. Although the practice of hypnosis appears to have begun during these pre-historic times, and there are many more accounts similar to the latter, the fact is that these people of different lands, thousands of years ago, may have known about the strange powers of hypnosis; that it appeared to be magic and it helped cure the sick, but these ancient people knew little about what hypnosis really was (Kennedy, 1979, p.